MONDAY
January 14, 2002
volume 13, no. 6

The Ideal of the Universal Republic Blessed by the Conciliar Pontiffs

Part One

    The Universal Republic, an Old Revolutionary Dream
    Recently the secretary general of the UN, Mr. Kofi Annan, was chosen to receive the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize. John Paul II sent Annan a telegram of congratulations in which he urges the United Nations "to respond with increasing effectiveness to the difficult challenges that arise in the world, marked by apparently insurmountable imbalances, tensions and the lack of respect for human rights." [1] 1. Zenit Dispatch, October 14, 2001.

    The Pontiff's telegram, with a laic and leftist tone quite different from what one would expect from a Pope, calls to mind the many supports that the Conciliar Church has given to the revolutionary ideal of the Universal Republic, of which the UN is perhaps the principal exponent. I think that presenting a general picture on this matter------the ideal of the Universal Republic and the support of the Conciliar Popes------could be useful for the reader and would give him a stronger arsenal in the fight for the Catholic cause.

The Universal Republic, an Old Revolutionary Dream

    The ideal of the union of nations in order to construct a new society that lives in peace indifferent to God is in some way a re-enactment of the sin of the Tower of Babel. The Old Testament relates how all the peoples of the time came together to estrange themselves from God and to build a work in order to glorify man. The disastrous building of Babel produced a fruit quite different from what had been planned. Instead of union, there was discord. In place of a broad understanding, there was a confusion of tongues, a new element that contributed strongly to the division of peoples.

    Notwithstanding this precedent, mankind did not learn the lesson. History is punctuated with weak attempts of men who try to unite independent of God. This is not the place to describe these futile episodes.

    The establishing of medieval Christendom represented the opposite of that pagan dream. The nations united in genial and docile obedience to the King of kings and Lord of lords. The Kingdom of Christ established upon earth a society that, in the words of Leo XIII, "gave fruits superior to all expectations, whose memory subsists and will subsist, registered as it is in innumerable documents that no artifices of the adversaries can destroy or obscure." [2] 2. Leo XIII, Encyclical Immortale Dei, November l, 1885.

    In face of this excellent medieval order, the sons of Babel, so let me call them, redoubled their hatred of God. They tried, then, not just to construct a society independent of God, but mainly they attempted to destroy the society submissive to God that had been established. It is this multi-secular movement that we call the Revolution. The Revolution means an overthrow within a given institution. It tried, then, to demolish medieval Christendom and turn it to a completely different course. This conspiracy was peopled by revolutionaries coordinated by the think tanks of Freemasonry and other secret forces. Humanism, the Renaissance, Protestantism, the French Revolution, Communism and the Sorbonne [or hippie] Revolution of May 1968 constitute the principal milestones of this process of destruction. [3] 3. See Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, Revolução e Contra-Revolutção, 3rd ed (Sao Paulo. Chevalerie Artes Gracificas, 1993).

    My intention here is not to describe the revolutionary process. I take it as the molding that frames the utopic dreams of the Universal Republic that the revolutionaries have harbored for many centuries.

    Here are just a few examples:

    During the French Revolution the revolutionary, Anacharsis Klootz, a Prussian baron established in Paris and affiliated with the radical Jacobin party, sustained the idea of a Universal Republic. On July 19, 1790, he appeared at a session of the French Assembly accompanied by an "embassy of mankind." Two years later he published the book, La Republique universelle, which earned him the title of citoyen [citizen], bestowed on him by the Legislative Assembly. [4] 4. Henri Delassus, La Conjuration anti-chrétienne (Lille: Desclee de Brouwer, 1910), pp. 578-9.

    In the late 18th Century, German philosopher Immanuel Kant, following the same tendency toward a Universal Republic, proposed the creation of a federation or league of the world's nations. Kant believed that such a federation would allow countries to unite and punish any nation that committed an act of aggression. This idea of the German thinker strongly inspired the foundation of the League of Nations, which was the seed of the present-day United Nations. [5] 5. Encarta Encyclopedia Online 2001, entries "League of Nations," and "United Nations".

    For part of his life, French thinker and writer Victor Hugo represented one of the most clearly defined poles of revolutionary thinking. He was ordered into exile by Napoleon III for his political opposition to the so-called Prince-President who became Emperor. In fact, Hugo wrote a strong, sarcastic piece entitled Napoléon, le petit [Napoleon the little] to show the contrast between Napoleon Bonaparte, whom Hugo called Napoléon, le grand [Napoleon the great] and his successor. According to Hugo, Napoléon le petit was an insignificant man who did not deserve to be head of the French nation. The piece caught the fancy of the French people and raised the fury of the government, which ordered the author into exile.

    In 1852, en route to the island of Jersey, Hugo passed through Belgium, where he delivered a speech to fellow revolutionaries. In it, he encouraged their yearnings for a Universal Republic with these words: "Friends, today we have persecution and pain; tomorrow, the United States of Europe, a brotherhood of peoples. A day inevitable for our enemies, a day certain to come for us. Friends, whatever the anguishes and hardships of this passing moment might be, let us fix our thoughts on this splendid tomorrow, already visible to Europe in its grand perspective of liberty and fraternity. In contemplating this, you will find your tranquility, all you who are outlawed by France! At times . . . one can be awe-stricken to see such a great light in your eyes in this lugubrious night in which you find yourselves. This light that fills you is the radiance of the future.

    "French and Belgian citizens . . . the Universal Republic is the universal motherland. When the day comes, nationalities and motherlands will launch a war cry against despots; once the work is done, unity, holy human unity will place a kiss of peace on the foreheads of all nations. Let us go forward step by step, from initiation to initiation, passing through each setback or sorrow until we reach the grand formula. Let every step won enlarge the horizon. There is something above a German, Belgian, Italian, Englishman, or Frenchman: it is a citizen; there is something above a citizen, it is man. The end of nations is unity, just as the end of the roots is the tree, the end of winds the sky, the end of rivers the sea. Peoples! There is but one people. Long live the Universal Republic!" [6] 6. Victor Hugo, Pendant I'exil; actes et paroles, Paris: Jules Roulff, n.d., vol. 1 , pp. 67-8. In the same sense one can read: Hugo's apologia of November 29, 1853, commemorating the 23rd anniversary of the Polish Revolution (Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 18-9.); his initial greetings sent from Brussels to the Peace Congress in Lausanne, Switzerland (September 4, 1869) (Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 22-26); his opening speech at the same Congress on September 14, 1869 (Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 26f.); his letter of February 27, 1870 to American admirers (Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 73-4.)

    The orator Fontaine, who was present at the Congress of Socialist Students in Liege in 1865, from which emerged the directors of Socialist International, made this declaration: "We, revolutionaries and socialists in the political sphere, through the realization of the republican idea, want to arrive at a federation of peoples." [7] 7. H. Delassus, op. cit., p. 88.

    Clavel, an initiate in Masonry, explained in the 19th Century that Freemasons were constructing "the largest [political] structure that has ever existed, since it knows no other limits but that of the earth." [8] 8. Bazot, Tableau philosophique, historique et moral de la francmaçonnerie, pp. 20-28, apud H. Delassus, op. cit., p. 566. He continued to expound the aims of Freemasonry: "To erase distinctions of social class, beliefs, opinions, and motherlands among men . . . in a word, to make all of humankind into only one single family." [9] That is, a single family without God. 9. Ibid., pp. 5665. See other statements by socialists and Freemasons advocating the Universal Republic in H. Delassus, op. cit., pp. 569-70, 572, 5931.

    During the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, the theosophists [10] 10. Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, pp. 336-7. and pacifists spoke out in the same sense, making the Universal Republic one of their slogans. [11] 11.Georges Goyau, L'ldee de Patrie et l'Humanitarisme, pp. 113,115, apud N. Webster, op. cit., p. 337.

    In an article on European unification, contemporary Italian politician Giovanni Spadolini commented: "A union is born . . .between ecumenism [understood as a movement for world unification] and Europeanism, the dream of building a 'Sun City,' that is, the fraternal community of men in Europe, a privileged continent almost predestined to achieve new forms of international cooperation without wars and national hatreds. This is the ideal that shines forth in Kant's Treatise on Perpetual Peace, in Abbée de Saint Pierre, Rousseau and Voltaire." [12] 12. Giovanni Spadolini, "A minha Europa," in 30 Dias, August/September 1991, p. 58.

    Further on he observed, "At the beginning of the 19th Century, Saint-Simon . . . wrote: 'The transformation of Europe in a unitary sense will be more easily achieved on the day when all peoples have one [single] parliamentary system.' " [13] 13. Ibid.,p.59.

    20th Century Italian politician Spadolini also revealed the revolutionary tone of this ideal:

    "Throughout the 19th Century, Europeanism and democracy constituted one and the same thing, thanks to the efforts and struggles of conspirators who believed in a Europe of peoples as opposed to a Europe of dynasties and aristocracies. Foremost [among these] is Giuseppe Mazzini, the first to speak about a 'Young Germany' to the founding members of the 'Young Europe' organization." [14] 14. Ibid., p. 60.

    The Italian politician ended his article imagining a United Europe linked to the United States in the West and the Soviet Union in the East, a reality not that far removed from the dream of the Universal Republic. Here are his words: "If in this [20th] Century, and thus in this millennium, the building of a United Europe, with a strong relationship with the other shore of the Atlantic and in constant communication with the Soviet Union, is achieved, then Mazzini's dream of a 'Young Europe' will have been realized . . . We know that this last period of the [20th] Century can be decisive for the new Europe . . . She is the common meeting ground of peoples who believe in the eternal values of liberty and democracy. The common meeting ground destined to open itself to the 'global village' of humanity." [15] 15. Ibid., p.62.

    These are only some quotes that I offer for the consideration of my reader, to show how clearly the revolutionaries have spoken about their goal of building a Universal Republic and how much we have to be aware of their desire to implant a new world order independent of God.

Atila Sinke Guimarães

Next Monday: Part Two

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volume 13, no. 6
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